PROTOCOL NO. 10
The outside appearances in the political. The “genius” of
rascality. What is promised by a Masonic coup d’etat?
Universal suffrage. Self-importance. Leaders of Masonry. The
genius who is guide of Masonry. Institutions and their
functions. The poison of liberalism. Constitution a school
of party discords. Era of republics. Presidents — the
puppets of Masonry. Responsibility of Presidents. “Panama”
Part played by chamber of deputies and president. Masonry —
the legislative force. New republican constitution.
Transition to masonic “despotism.” Moment for the
proclamation of “The Lord of all the World.” Inoculation of
diseases and other wiles of Masonry.
To-day I begin with a repetition of what I said before, and
I beg you to bear in mind that governments and peoples are
content in the political with outside appearances. And how,
indeed, are the goyim to perceive the underlying meaning of
things when their representatives give the best of their energies
to enjoying themselves? For Our policy it is of the greatest
importance to take cognisance of this detail; it will be of
assistance to us when we come to consider the division of
authority, freedom of speech, of the press, of religion (faith),
of the law of association, of equality before the law, of the
inviolability of property, of the dwelling, of taxation (the idea
of concealed taxes), of the reflex force of the laws. All these
questions are such as ought not to be touched upon directly and
openly before the people. In cases where it is indispensable to
touch upon them they must not be categorically named, it must
merely be declared without detailed exposition that the
principles of contemporary law are acknowledged by us. The reason
of keeping silence in this respect is that by not naming a
principle we leave ourselves freedom of action, to drop this or
that out of it without attracting notice; if they were all
categorically named they would all appear to have been already
given.
The mob cherishes a special affection and respect for the
geniuses of political power and accepts all their deeds of
violence with the admiring response: “rascally, well, yes, it is
rascally, but it’s clever! . . a trick, if you like, but how
craftily played, how magnificently done, what impudent audacity!”
We count upon attracting all nations to the task of erecting
the new fundamental structure, the project for which has been
drawn up by us. This is why, before everything, it is
indispensable for us to arm ourselves and to store up in
ourselves that absolutely reckless audacity and irresistible
might of the spirit which in the person of our active workers
will break down all hindrances on our way.
When we have accomplished our coup d’etat we shall say then
to the various peoples: “Everything has gone terribly badly, all
have been worn out with sufferings. We are destroying the causes
of your torment — nationalities, frontiers, differences of
coinages. You are at liberty, of course, to pronounce sentence
upon us, but can it possibly be a just one if it is confirmed by
you before you make any trial of what we are offering you.” . . .
Then will the mob exalt us and bear us up in their hands in a
unanimous triumph of hopes and expectations. Voting, which we
have made the instrument will set us on the throne of the world
by teaching even the very smallest units of members of the human
race to vote by means of meetings and agreements by groups, will
then have served its purposes and will play its part then for the
last time by a unanimity of desire to make close acquaintance
with us before condemning us.
To secure this we must have everybody vote without
distinction of classes and qualifications, in order to establish
an absolute majority, which cannot be got from the educated
propertied classes. In this way, by inculcating in all a sense of
self-importance, we shall destroy among the goyim the importance
of the family and its educational value and remove the
possibility of individual minds splitting off, for the mob,
handled by us, will not let them come to the front nor even give
them a hearing; it is accustomed to listen to us only who pay it
for obedience and attention, In this way we shall create a blind,
mighty force which will never be in a position to move in any’
direction without the guidance of our agents set at its head by
us as leaders of the mob. The people will submit to this regime
because it will know that upon these leaders will depend its
earnings, gratifications and the receipt of all kinds of
benefits.
A scheme of government should come ready made from one
brain, because it will never be clinched firmly if it is allowed
to be split into fractional parts in the minds of many. It is
allowable, therefore, for us to have cognisance of the scheme of
action but not to discuss it lest we disturb its artfulness, the
interdependence of its component parts, the practical force of
the secret meaning of each clause. To discuss and make
alterations in a labor of this kind by means of numerous votings
is to impress upon it the stamp of all ratiocinations and
misunderstandings which have failed to penetrate the depth and
nexus of its plottings. We want our schemes to be forcible and
suitably concocted. Therefore WE OUGHT NOT TO FLING THE WORK OF
GENIUS OF OUR GUIDE to the fangs of the mob or even of a select
company.
These schemes will not turn existing institutions upside
down just yet. They will only affect changes in their economy and
consequently in the whole combined movement of their progress,
which will thus be directed along the paths laid down in our
schemes.
Under various names there exists in all countries
approximately one and the same thing. Representation, Ministry,
Senate, State Council, Legislative and Executive Corps. I need
not explain to you the mechanism of the relation of these
institutions to one another, because you are aware of all that;
only take note of the fact that each of the above-named
institutions corresponds to some important function of the State,
and I would beg you to remark that the word “important” I apply
not to the institution but to the function, consequently it is
not the institutions which are important but their functions.
These institutions have divided up among themselves all the
functions of government — administrative, legislative,
executive, wherefore they have come to operate as do the organs
in the human body. If we injure one part in the machinery of
State, the State falls sick, like a human body, and will die.
When we introduced into the State organism the poison of
Liberalism its whole political complexion underwent a change.
States have been seized with a mortal illness — blood-poisoning.
All that remains is to await the end of their death agony.
Liberalism produced Constitutional States, which took the place
of what was the only safeguard of the goyim, namely, Despotism;
and a constitution, as you well know, is nothing else but a
school of discords, misunderstandings, quarrels, disagreements,
fruitless party agitations, party whims –in a word, a school of
everything that serves to destroy the personality of State
activity. The tribune of the “talkeries” has, no less effectively
than the Press, condemned the rulers to inactivity and impotence,
and thereby rendered them useless and superfluous, for which
reason indeed they have been in many countries deposed. Then it
was that the era of republics became possible of realization; and
then it was that we replaced the ruler by a caricature of a
government — by a president, taken from the mob, from the midst
of our puppet creatures, our slaves. This was the foundation of
the mine which we have laid under the goy people, I should rather
say, under the goy peoples.
In the near future we shall establish the responsibility of
presidents.
By that time we shall be in a position to disregard forms in
carrying through matters for which our impersonal puppet will be
responsible. What do we care of the ranks of those striving for
power should be thinned, if there should arise a deadlock from
the impossibility of finding presidents, a deadlock which will
finally disorganize the country? ….
In order that our scheme may produce this result we shall
arrange elections in favour of such presidents as have in their
past some dark, undiscovered stain, some “Panama” or other —
then they will be trustworthy agents for the accomplishment of
our plans out of fear of revelations and from the natural desire
of everyone who has attained power, namely, the retention of the
privileges, advantages and honour connected with the office of
president. The chamber of deputies will provide cover for, will
protect, will elect presidents, but we shall take from it the
right to propose new, or make changes in existing laws, for this
right will be given by us to the responsible president, a puppet
in our hands. Naturally, the authority of the president will then
become a target for every possible form of attack, but we shall
provide him with a means of self-defense in the right of an
appeal to the people, for the decision of the people over the
heads of their representatives, that is to say, an appeal to that
same blind slave of ours — the majority of the mob.
Independently of this we shall invest the president with the
right of declaring a state of war. We shall justify this last
right on the ground that the president as chief of the whole army
of the country must have it at his disposal, in case of need for
the defense of the new republican constitution, the right to
defend which will belong to him as the responsible representative
of this constitution.
It is easy to understand that in these conditions the key of
the shrine will lie in our hands, and no one outside ourselves
will any longer direct the force of legislation.
Besides this we shall, with the introduction of the new
republican constitution, take from the Chamber the right of
interpellation on government measures, on the pretext of
preserving political secrecy, and, further, we shall by the new
constitution reduce the number of representatives to a minimum,
thereby proportionately reducing political passions and the
passion for politics. If, however, they should, which is hardly
to be expected, burst into flame, even in this minimum, we shall
nullify them by a stirring appeal and a reference to the majority
of the whole people. . . Upon the president will depend the
appointment of presidents and vice-presidents of the Chamber and
the Senate. Instead of constant sessions of Parliaments we shall
reduce their sittings to a few months. Moreover, the president,
as chief of the executive power, will have the right to summon
and dissolve Parliament, and, in the latter case, to prolong the
time for the appointment of a new parliamentary assembly. But in
order that the consequences of all these acts which in substance
are illegal, should not, prematurely for our plans, fall upon the
responsibility established by us of the president, we shall
instigate ministers and other officials of the higher
administration about the president to evade his dispositions by
taking measures of their own, for doing which they will be made
the scapegoats in his place. . . This part we especially
recommend to be given to be played by the Senate, the Council of
State, or the Council of Ministers, but not to an individual
official.
The president will, at our discretion, interpret the sense
of such of the existing laws as admit of various interpretation;
he will further annul them when we indicate to him the necessity
to do so, besides this, he will have the right to propose
temporary laws, and even new departures in the government
constitutional working, the pretext both for the one and the
other being the requirements for the supreme welfare of the
State.
By such measures we shall obtain the power of destroying
little by little, step by step, all that at the outset when we
enter on our rights, we are compelled to introduce into the
constitutions of States to prepare for the transition to an
imperceptible abolition of every kind of constitution, and then
the time is come to turn every form of government into our
despotism.
The recognition of our despot may also come before the
destruction of the constitution; the moment for this recognition
will come when the peoples, utterly wearied by the irregularities
and incompetence — a matter which we shall arrange for — of
their rulers, will clamour: “Away with them and give us one king
over all the earth who will unite us and annihilate the causes of
discords — frontiers, nationalities, religions, State debts —
who will give us peace and quiet, which we cannot find under our
rulers and representatives.”
But you yourselves perfectly well know that to produce the
possibility of the expression of such wishes by all the nations
it is indispensable to trouble in all countries the people’s
relations with their governments so as to utterly exhaust
humanity with dissension, hatred, struggle, envy and even by the
use of torture, by starvation, BY THE INOCULATION OF DISEASES, by
want, so that the GOYIM see no other issue than to take refuge in
our complete sovereignty in money and in all else.
But if we give the nations of the world a breathing space
the moment we long for is hardly likely ever to arrive.
